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By Professor Sandy Smith-Nonini
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Extra info for Healing the Body Politic: El Salvador’s Popular Struggle for Health Rights from Civil War to Neoliberal Peace
Sample text
Cut down by firing squads. (Anderson 1971) Concerned about the peasant uprising, American navy officers in warships just off the Salvadoran coast offered military assistance to the government but were reassured by President Maximiliano Hernández Martínez that his troops had the situation in hand. S. ) Shortly after the cataclysm, new laws were passed requiring adults over the age of eighteen to carry personal identity cards that would thereafter be required for most interactions with the state (persons of means could pay a patriotic donation MANUFACTURING ILL-BEING 31 and escape the requirement) (McClintock 1985).
Many approaches to the study of social movements have been shaped by assumptions that collective action is rare, and that participation in mobilization runs counter to (presumably self-interested) human nature. , see Eckstein 2001) but tend to ignore the role of social knowledge and cultural agency that animates a movement. The poststructuralist focus, common in cultural studies and in many anthropological accounts since 1990, has tended to emphasize “identity” and the politics of difference over political economy (Laclau and Mouffe 1985; and Best and Kellner 1991).
The extent of the state violence far exceeded anything resembling a strategic military response to the guerrillas. Estimated at only a few hundred strong prior to 1980, the FMLN army grew steadily in part because of the repression; as options for public debate or protest were closed down by the police, many Salvadorans previously active in union or student groups took up arms and went underground as a last resort (Pearce 1986; and Wood 2003). In rural Chalatenango, many people who survived the scorched earth–type army sweeps of 1983–1985 told me it was safer for them to join the compas than to continue civilian life.