Download Moral brains : the neuroscience of morality by S. Matthew Liao PDF
By S. Matthew Liao
Within the final fifteen years, there was major curiosity in learning the mind constructions keen on ethical judgments utilizing novel ideas from neuroscience resembling useful magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). many folks, together with a few philosophers, think that effects from neuroscience have the capability to settle or at the very least flow likely intractable debates about the nature, perform, and Read more...
summary: within the final fifteen years, there was major curiosity in learning the mind constructions excited about ethical judgments utilizing novel ideas from neuroscience resembling practical magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). many folks, together with a few philosophers, think that effects from neuroscience have the capability to settle or at the least circulate possible intractable debates in regards to the nature, perform, and reliability of ethical judgments. This has resulted in a flurry of medical and philosophical actions, leading to the swift development of the hot box of ethical neuroscience. This quantity is the 1st to take inventory of 15 years of study during this fast-growing box of ethical neuroscience and to suggest destiny instructions for study. It positive factors the main up to date study during this quarter, and it offers a wide selection of views from essentially the most major figures in philosophy, neuroscience, and psychology
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Additional resources for Moral brains : the neuroscience of morality
Sample text
As Haidt says, the existence of such a motive means that the “mere fact that your friend expresses a moral judgment against X is often sufficient to cause in you a critical attitude toward X” (Haidt 2001, 821), which, according to Haidt, is a kind of bias. The second kind of factor that makes reasoning biased is what Haidt calls coherence motives (2001, 821). According to these motives, we tend to try to keep our attitudes and beliefs congruent with the beliefs and attitudes that are central to our identity, and we tend to dismiss evidence that threatens attitudes and beliefs that are constitutive of our identity.
2012). For instance, Bartels and Pizarro found that participants who indicated greater endorsement of utilitarian solutions had higher scores on measures of psychopathy, Machiavellianism, and life meaninglessness (Bartels and Pizarro 2011). Also, Côté et al. (2013) found that reduced empathy can explain why upper-class participants were more likely to make the utilitarian choice in Footbridge than lower-class participants. Lastly, Greene’s dual-processing theory implies that decreased higher-order functioning such as executive functioning should lead to decreased utilitarian preference, while decreased emotions should lead to increased utilitarian preference.
Second, it seems clear that it would be too strong to claim that evidence from neuroscience is necessary to generate normative conclusions. Consider Greene’s claim that deontological judgments are unreliable. Philosophers made this point before the advent of brain-imaging studies. For instance, Singer (1997) has long argued that we should question deontological intuitions such as the thought that we should save a nearby drowning child but that we have no comparable obligation to save a faraway sick and starving child.