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By Orna Almog
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Additional info for Britain, Israel and the United States, 1955-1958: Beyond Suez (Cass Series--British Foreign and Colonial Policy)
In their view, criticism and hesitation over fundamental Zionist issues could weaken the Zionist effort to create a new, fresh and courageous society. One of these fundamental beliefs was that Israel had the right to exist despite its neighbours’ rejection, or injustice to them. If its Arab neighbours would not accept Israel’s existence and tried to destroy it, Israel was justified in employing any means necessary to eliminate the threat. There was also a growing belief during the 1950s that the only ‘language’ the Arabs understood was force.
By mid-1955, US policy was still hesitant, which disappointed the British government who desired a stronger commitment from the United States in the area, especially towards the Baghdad Pact. The British government believed that support for the Pact was the most effective way of making the Soviet government aware that the United States was interested in the Middle East. 37 The US administration, however, did not make any direct move towards the Middle East, and, in a way, preferred Britain to play a major role, especially in areas that were traditionally under British influence.
Uri Bialer, Between East and West: Israel’s Foreign Policy Orientation 1948–1956 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 42. 23. Ben-Gurion, Yehud Veichud, p. 196. 24. ISA, HZ 2449/8, A meeting of Israeli diplomats in Paris, 24–25 February 1958. 25. FRUS, Vol. 15, 1955–57, telegram from the delegation at the North Atlantic ministerial meeting to the State Department, 3 May 1956, p. 596. 26. HZ2595/6, a report on Franco-Israeli relations, 10 April 1956. 27. Fry, ‘Canada, the North Atlantic Triangle, and the United Nations’, in Wm Roger Louis and Roger Owen (eds) Suez 1956: The Crisis and its Consequences (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), p.