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By Prof. Jane Wills, Dr. Kavita Datta, Dr. Jara Evans, Dr. Joanna Herbert, Prof. Jon May, Dr. Cathy McIlwaine
This ebook is set the folk who consistently get taken with no consideration. the folk who fresh our workplaces and trains, take care of our elders and alter the sheets at the mattress. international towns at paintings attracts on testimony accrued from greater than 800 foreign-born staff hired in low-paid jobs in London in the course of the early years of the hot century. worldwide towns at paintings breaks new floor in linking London's new migrant department of work to the dual strategies of subcontracting and elevated overseas migration which have been valuable to modern techniques of globalization. worldwide towns at paintings increases the extent of dialogue approximately migrant hard work, encouraging policy-makers, reporters and social scientists to seem at the back of the headlines. The ebook calls us to take a politically-informed geographical view of our city exertions markets and to prioritize the difficulty of operating poverty and its implications for either unemployment and neighborhood harmony.
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Extra resources for Global Cities at Work: New Migrant Divisions of Labour
Example text
We’ve got a series of labour markets. (Representative of the Greater London Authority) As we showed in Chapter 1, it is no longer possible to argue that the UK lacks the large-scale supply of (cheap) migrant labour found in countries like the United States. Having slowed in the 1980s, levels of immigration into the UK rose very significantly through the 1990s. Of those who had arrived in the UK by 2001, 42 per cent had settled in London (Spence 2005: 17). The resulting changes in London’s population have been dramatic.
The result, and indeed the ‘primary social fact about world city formation’, is therefore argued to be ‘the polarisation of [these cities’] social class divisions’ (Friedman and Wolff 1982: 322). Although similar trends are apparent elsewhere, such polarisation is held to be especially marked in global cities, with cities otherwise as different as London, New York and Tokyo apparently displaying remarkably similar economic profiles and social structures (Sassen 1991, 2001). For Sassen, the increasing inequalities evident in global cities are therefore a direct result of these new patterns of employment, with growth at the top end of the labour market fuelling growth at the bottom.
For these authors, it is therefore processes of professionalisation that have led to the recent explosion of income inequality in London, not least because – reflecting global competition for top-level positions – wages have risen much faster for managerial and professional workers in recent decades than for anyone else. ’ As a result, and as the data in Fig. 0 1979–80 1989–91 1999 Source: Buck et al. (2002: 157). 2 Inequality in London, households by richest/poorest deciles, 1979–80, 1989–91 and 1999 34 GLOBAL CITIES AT WORK the UK.