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By M. Malmborg

The profitable upkeep of peace given that 1814 made neutrality a greatly renowned doctrine in Sweden. instead of a safety coverage within the strict experience, it has develop into a cornerstone of Swedish nationwide identification. but, long ago decade the neutrality culture has been referred to as into query. what's intended by means of neutrality? Has Sweden ever been impartial? This publication analyses the emergence, institutionalisation and reassessment of neutrality, of the thought of peace as a countrywide sturdy, from the 16th century to the current debate on NATO club.

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A certain respect was gained for the idea of neutrality, but mainly to the extent that it rested on bilateral treaties or was conducted in alliance, in the form 42 Sovereignty from the Top-Down of neutrality leagues. The system allowed little room for a single nation’s neutrality. To this general characterisation of the pre-revolutionary state system must be added an important reservation: all states were not as similar as they are in our times. Some monarchs reigned over more stable territorial, and even nationally fairly homogeneous, states than others, and if they did not, nationality mattered little as long as their neighbours did not embrace the ideal of one nation, one state.

Feudalism had a retarding effect on the development of neutrality in yet another respect. Remainders of small-scale ‘private’ warfare, with its raids on land and above all uncontrolled piracy on the seas, survived well into the modern era. Even when conducted under apparent legitimacy of private reprisals, such wars had little in common with the modern notion of public wars, conducted by the supreme power of a sovereign national states (Thomson 1994). Second, the political power and the world view of the Roman Catholic church retarded the development of state sovereignty and neutrality.

Denmark’s long peace and policy of neutrality in the eighteenth century has contributed to the consolidation of the notion of a ‘Danish way’. It has been presented as if Denmark’s government, in contrast to other European governments, did not want to participate in high politics and wage war, but preferred to stay neutral and use its resources to develop the economy of the country and the welfare of the people. Danish foreign policy was personified in the late eighteenth century by no less than three foreign ministers named Bernstorff.

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