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Sample text
Wilson’s argument, for example, stops far short of a deterministic interpretation of the effects of the distribution of costs and benefits on the resulting nature of the political organisation. The cell occupied by entrepreneurial policy in his typology Policy Framing Analysis 45 would otherwise have to be empty. Instead, as Wilson (1973: 335) points out, major legislation of this type is passed after ‘the successful mobilisation of a new, usually temporary, political constituency’. Such mobilisation occurs despite the mechanisms identified in his scheme, not because of them.
Instead of comparing and evaluating policy choices across multiple dimensions, the organisational basis of politics guarantees that preferences are evoked and ordered by virtue of legislative committee assignment. This way, preference formation generally falls in line with a specific perception of the issues, which in turn depends on the organisational delineation of policy jurisdictions. In sum, Jones and Baumgartner (2002: 299) propose that ‘committees often represent, in gross terms, different approaches or perspectives toward the issue: they are institutionalised frames’.
Problem designs are political choices in themselves. Framing of choice Instead of comparing attributes of a choice across multiple evaluative dimensions in ways that are systematic and stable over time, theories of framing in the tradition of research on bounded rationality hold that decision making is more volatile and can at times appear outright erratic. Despite this, such behaviour is neither irrational nor entirely unsystematic. The ‘focus of attention’, Simon (1987: 355) maintains, ‘is a major determinant of the goals and values that will influence decision’.