Download Propaganda and Intelligence in the Cold War: The NATO by Linda Risso PDF
By Linda Risso
This ebook deals the 1st account of the basis, employer and actions of the NATO info provider (NATIS) throughout the chilly War.
During the chilly conflict, NATIS used to be pivotal in bringing nationwide delegations jointly to debate their defense, info and intelligence matters and, whilst applicable or attainable, to plan a typical reaction to the ‘Communist threat’. even as, NATIS liaised with our bodies just like the Atlantic Institute and the Bilderberg team within the try and advertise a coordinated western reaction. The NATO archive fabric additionally indicates that NATIS conducted its personal details and intelligence activities.
Propaganda and Intelligence within the chilly struggle presents the 1st sustained examine of the historical past of NATIS in the course of the chilly struggle. reading the position of NATIS as a discussion board for the trade of rules and methods approximately the right way to advance and run propaganda programmes, this booklet provides a worldly knowing of the level to which nationwide info businesses collaborated. via targeting the measure of cooperation on cultural and knowledge actions, this research of NATIS additionally contributes to the background of NATO as a political alliance and reminds us that NATO used to be – and nonetheless is – essentially a political organisation.
This ebook could be of a lot curiosity to scholars of NATO, chilly struggle stories, intelligence reports, and IR mostly.
Read Online or Download Propaganda and Intelligence in the Cold War: The NATO Information Service (Studies in Intelligence) PDF
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Extra resources for Propaganda and Intelligence in the Cold War: The NATO Information Service (Studies in Intelligence)
Sample text
A certain respect was gained for the idea of neutrality, but mainly to the extent that it rested on bilateral treaties or was conducted in alliance, in the form 42 Sovereignty from the Top-Down of neutrality leagues. The system allowed little room for a single nation’s neutrality. To this general characterisation of the pre-revolutionary state system must be added an important reservation: all states were not as similar as they are in our times. Some monarchs reigned over more stable territorial, and even nationally fairly homogeneous, states than others, and if they did not, nationality mattered little as long as their neighbours did not embrace the ideal of one nation, one state.
Feudalism had a retarding effect on the development of neutrality in yet another respect. Remainders of small-scale ‘private’ warfare, with its raids on land and above all uncontrolled piracy on the seas, survived well into the modern era. Even when conducted under apparent legitimacy of private reprisals, such wars had little in common with the modern notion of public wars, conducted by the supreme power of a sovereign national states (Thomson 1994). Second, the political power and the world view of the Roman Catholic church retarded the development of state sovereignty and neutrality.
Denmark’s long peace and policy of neutrality in the eighteenth century has contributed to the consolidation of the notion of a ‘Danish way’. It has been presented as if Denmark’s government, in contrast to other European governments, did not want to participate in high politics and wage war, but preferred to stay neutral and use its resources to develop the economy of the country and the welfare of the people. Danish foreign policy was personified in the late eighteenth century by no less than three foreign ministers named Bernstorff.