Download The Policy of the Entente: Essays on the Determinants of by Keith M. Wilson PDF
By Keith M. Wilson
This number of essays makes a tremendous contribution to the growing to be debate on British international coverage sooner than the 1st international conflict, and mounts a sustained critique of the obtained interpretation that invitations comparability with the paintings of Fritz Fischer at the international coverage of Imperial Germany. The coverage of the Entente offers a practical evaluation of British priorities within the years prior to 1914, and considers the basic and conflicting pressures that made up our minds the formula of international coverage. the writer concludes that British coverage, faraway from being more and more Eurocentric, was once emphatically imperial: certainly a number of the problems confronted through Britain's rulers stemmed from their lack of ability to reside as much as this Imperial self-image.
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Extra info for The Policy of the Entente: Essays on the Determinants of British Foreign Policy, 1904–1914
Example text
H e would not be surprised, he wrote to Grey, if we were to find both France and Russia gravitating rapidly towards the Central Powers, as neither of the former, distrustful of each other, feels that she can stand alone against the power of the central combination. Our entente, I fear, will languish, and possibly die. If it were possible to extend and strengthen it by bringing it nearer to the nature of an alliance, it would then be possible to deter Russia from moving towards Berlin . . " ', and replied: If we wish to make sure that Russia will not eventually detach herself from us, we must, I submit, extend and consolidate our 'entente' in such manner and form as will enable her to rely with assurance on our support being really available in moments of need and danger.
23 A contribution to the alliance debate from Balfour, in the form of a memorandum passed on to Grey in June 1912, was that 'an "entente" is a natural prey of every diplomatic intriguer. It must be the object of every German Foreign Minister to drive a wedge between France and Britain, to aggravate every misunderstanding, to foster every suspicion . \ 24 Why — when the chances of the success of German 'intrigues' would have been much reduced, even if the policy itself were not discontinued, by the conclusion of an alliance with France, or Russia, or both; when thereby the nervousness of the French, which was much in evidence in 1905—6, in 1908—9, and in 1911, would have been overcome;25 and when the disposition of the Russians to lean towards Berlin, which in the spring of 1909 the disgrace of Isvolsky and in the spring of 1914 the appointment of Goryemkin as President of the Council were thought likely to encourage,26 would thereby have been countered — was no alliance ever concluded?
Benckendorff transmitted in February 1914, to the effect that at the Foreign Office Nicolson and Buchanan, Mallet and Crowe made little mystery of their conviction that alliance was the natural outcome of entente, would appear to be substantially correct. Only with regard to Hardinge, whom Benckendorff also listed, is this picture askew. Yet even Hardinge had written in a memorandum of May 1909: 'Were England the ally of either France or Russia the political equilibrium and peace of the Continent would probably be maintained .