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By Christopher Coker
1988 HARDCOVER
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Extra resources for The United States, Western Europe and Military Intervention Overseas
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Fighting Ouadaffi on contract to Washington. however, was not what the French had in mind; the stakes were larger , the reality more sobering. Both protagonists might have imperial ambitions, but both found themselves living in the same Mediterranean world. Trade 24 East of Suez Revisited in the form of oil and liquefied natural gas are more important stakes, gains to be won, not lost through geo-political posturing in the heart of the Sahara. These concerns mark the limit to how far American policy can have a 'French accent' , even ifthe myths on which French policy is based, of course, are not peculiarly French .
If British and American interests coincided at least temporarily in the Middle East in 1958, they complemented each other far less in other regions. During the 1960s the United Kingdom was unwilling to provide even symbolic military support for the American intervention in Vietnam. At the same time, Britain, in contrast to some ofthe other European members ofNATO, was muted in its criticism of American policy. The indifference or hostility of many Europeans to the 30 The United States, Britain and Out-of-Area Problems Vietnam war, however, underlined the divergence between American and European conceptions of the Alliance.
De Miksche was far more concerned about the loss of control over events which he attributed (rather simplistically perhaps) to the foreclosure of the European option: the rise of Arab nationalism and the OPEC embargo ; the challenge of Islamic fundamentalism in the bazaars ofTehran ; and the appearance of a terrorist threat aimed principally , though not exclusively, against the United States. In trying to restore some control over events (rather than governments) Europe may now have to intervene on behalf of, rather than against, Arab regimes.